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A claim is a request for payment for a loss, injury, or damages that you incurred in an incident/accident.
You must file your claim within the Washington State statute of limitations. There are different statues of limitations for different types of claims. See RCW 4.16 for the various statutes of limitations.
Yes, in most circumstances where you seek money damages, you must file a claim if you believe the City of Everett is responsible for your loss, injury, or damages.
Visit our website here or pick up a copy at the City Clerk's Office, 2930 Wetmore Ave, Suite 1A, during regular business hours.
It will help your claim to include any supporting records, such as medical records or bills for personal injuries, receipts, estimates and invoices, along with any additional evidence, such as photos, diagrams, etc. Please note that all submitted documents, including the claim form itself, are subject to release under the Washington State Public Records Act (RCW 42.56).
Claims for damages against the City of Everett must be filed with the City Clerk's Office in person or by mail. An original pen and ink signature must be on the form. Faxed or emailed forms will not be accepted.
Your claim will be sent to the City's Risk Management Office the following business day after the date you filed the claim. In most cases, your claim will be assigned to a claims adjuster to begin an investigation. You will receive a claim acknowledgement by mail, email or telephone call. Possible resolutions are that the City:
1.) Pays a sum of money
2.) Transfers the claim to another party or entity
3.) Denies the claim where there is no evidence of City negligence
The length of time will vary by claim. On average, claims can take two weeks to two months to resolve, but some claims may take longer.
Contact your claims adjuster. If you do not have your adjuster's contact information, call 425-257-8702 during normal business hours.
Contact the person listed on your claim denial and express your concerns. You may also contact the City Risk Manager at 425-257-8702. You also have the right to consult an attorney of your choosing and at your own expense.
For a non-owner occupied loan, the investor is required to fund 50% of project expenses and make housing available to low and moderate income families. CHIP works with local lenders that can assist investors with their portion of the project funding. Income Eligibility Guidelines
Once your project moves to the top of the waiting list, CHIP staff will set an appointment to meet at your home. A CHIP staff member will assess your home, check the main systems (electrical, foundation, plumbing, roof, heating) and recommend the scope of work.
Supported Web Browsers
For Parks and Recreation Donations:
For Senior Center Donations:
• Your local WorkSource may have computers that you can use. In Everett they are located at the Everett Station: 3201 Smith Ave, Suite #330, Everett, WA. Go to their website for other locations: Work Source locations map
• You may use the public computers located at most libraries such as Sno-Isle Regional Libraries and the Everett Public Library
• Family and friends may also have internet access available for your use.
If the position you are applying for is “open/continuous”, you may submit your application any time. However, that job may close at any time without warning.
If you’re submitting your application form on the advertised deadline date, please give yourself enough time to update your application materials, answer the required agency-wide questions and supplemental questions prior to the stated deadline. Submission of your application materials will take approximately 1 minute; however, if the system is slow due to lots of activity, it may take longer. We suggest you try to submit your application an hour before the deadline. If the deadline is reached before your application has reached the employer's server, it will be lost. There is no way to recover the application at that point and you would not be considered for that particular job.
• Help (FAQ) – found on the Applicant Login page in NEOGOV
• NEOGOV Help Desk – (855) 524-5627
• Live help from Human Resources during regular business hours: Monday – Friday; 8:00 a.m. – 5:00 p.m.
• Email Human Resources
Once you have logged in to the system, you can find the applications you have applied for by selecting your Username and then "Applications & Status" in the drop-down box.
The system will generate an email with that information. Please be sure to check your spam/junk mail folders and also add firstname.lastname@example.org to your ‘safe sender’ list. If you still do not receive the email notice, then contact NEOGOV Customer Support toll free at 1-855-524-5627 and follow the prompts for ‘applicant’ assistance.
EWG’s database reports that the contaminants Everett detected above EWG’s health guidelines were primarily unregulated contaminants, elements for which there is no current legal standard. In most cases, City of Everett water tests at or below the public health guideline for the contaminants in EWG’s database and in all cases below the EPA regulatory limits.
The federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) gathers information on unregulated contaminants under their Unregulated Contaminant Monitoring Rule (UCMR) program. The EPA collects data for these chemicals and microbes that may be present in drinking water, but are not currently subject to EPA drinking water regulations.
Public water systems report monitoring results to the EPA on an ongoing basis. Consumers should be confident that water scientists regularly monitor the presence of these constituents and continue to investigate the implications of minute levels in the water supply.
Everett monitors for regulated and unregulated chemicals/compounds/substances in our drinking water that aren’t included in the EWG database. Our 2016 Water Quality Summary contains our complete report with the most recent data. Any results over the EPA’s Maximum Contaminant Level (MCL) are reported to customers in the annual water quality report.
No. By their own admission, EWG selectively chooses the guidelines by which they measure water quality. Individual constituents are evaluated on varying standards ranging from federal to assorted state guidelines.
The PHG represents the level of contaminant at which no adverse health effects would be anticipated over an entire lifetime of exposure. So, a PHG is not a boundary line between a “safe” and “dangerous” level of a chemical, and drinking water is frequently demonstrated as safe to drink even if it contains chemicals at levels exceeding their PHGs. The EPA’s MCLs are set as close to the health goals as possible, considering cost, benefits and the ability of public water systems to detect and remove contaminants using suitable treatment technologies.
The City of Everett’s water supply is safe to drink and meets or surpasses all water quality standards and requirements. There are no industrial or agricultural pollution sources in Everett’s drinking water source. Of the constituents listed in the EWG database, some are naturally occurring and some are the result of disinfection processes that eliminate disease-causing pathogens.
All public water systems must adhere to national water quality standards required by the EPA in the Safe Drinking Water Act. Public health guidelines are non-enforceable advisories to water systems that are meant to be weighed in conjunction with economic and technological feasibility. In some cases, the technology to treat the constituents may not be available, or the cost of treatment too high compared to the risk assessment. As technology advances, new and improved treatment options become more available and affordable for adoption by water utilities.
To obtain a copy of a program aired on EVTV, contact Meghan Pembroke, public information director, at 425-257-8687 or email email@example.com for availability and cost.
Copies of City Council meetings can be purchased for up to five weeks from meeting date. Cost is $5 and must be ordered through the City Clerk's office by calling 425-257-8610.
The City of Everett is a permanent no-burn area. However, small recreational fires are allowed under 3'x3'x2', using charcoal or seasoned firewood (not dimensional lumber), without a permit. Recreational fires shall not be conducted within 25 feet of a structure or combustible material unless in an approved appliance with a clearly visible manufacturer’s listing and installed per manufacturer’s listing. Conditions which could cause a fire to spread within 25 feet of a structure shall be eliminated prior to ignition.
No burn barrels! Burn barrel use was banned in the State of Washington in 2000, and burning garbage has been illegal since 1967.
During hot dry summer months occasionally the water content of the vegetation will become so low that Snohomish County will require a temporary burn ban. This means that even recreational fires are prohibited.
Occasionally, the Puget Sound Clean Air Agency will require a temporary burn ban due to air quality problems. To report an outdoor fire during these burn bans call 1-800-552-3565 or file an online complaint.
City of Everett Municipal Code
Notwithstanding the language in 307.2.1, bonfires do require a permit and shall not be conducted within 50 feet of a structure or combustible material unless the fire is contained in a barbecue pit. Conditions which could cause a fire to spread within 50 feet of a structure shall be eliminated prior to ignition. Only dry, seasoned wood may be burned. Construction scraps, green wood, shrub trimmings, leaves, and other refuse are prohibited for use as fuel. If a bonfire is on a salt water beach, it shall not be located in areas where substantial driftwood accumulations exist.
307.2.3 Fire hazard prevention. At the discretion of the Fire Code Official, fires for the prevention of a fire hazard are allowed under permit from the Everett Fire Department, provided no alternate means of prevention is reasonably available.
307.2.4 Instruction and testing. Fires for instruction of public officials in methods of firefighting, testing fire resistance of materials, or testing fire protection equipment are allowed, provided prior written approval has been issued by the control officer of the Puget Sound Clean Air Agency and the Everett Fire Code Official or his designee.
307.3 Extinguishment Authority. In addition to any powers vested in the control officer of the Puget Sound Clean Air Agency, the Fire Code Official or his designee is authorized to order the extinguishment by the person who kindled and/or is maintaining the fire, the permit holder, or the fire department, of open burning which creates or adds to a hazardous or objectionable situation, where a violation of this chapter is found, or because of any false statement or misrepresentation as to a material fact in the information or plans submitted on which the right to burn was based.
307.4 Location. The location for allowed open burning shall not be less than 51 feet from any structure, and provisions shall be made to prevent the fire from spreading to within 50 feet of any structure. If any provision of this section requires a smaller distance from a structure, that provision shall be complied with.
307.5 Attendance. All allowed open burning shall be constantly attended until the fire is extinguished. A minimum of one portable fire extinguisher complying with the Everett Fire Code with a minimum 4-A rating or other approved on-site fire-extinguishing equipment, such as dirt, sand, water barrel, garden hose or water truck, shall be available for immediate use. A fire shall not be considered extinguished unless one can handle the ashes without protection. City of Everett Municipal Code
Fire safety for senior citizensReducing falls for senior citizensFire safety for childrenHome-escape planning Safety and Education Handouts
You have the right to have an attorney represent you if you have been charged with a crime that includes a potential jail sentence. If you cannot afford an attorney, you may screen to see if you qualify for a court appointed public defender. The Office of Public Defense holds screenings at the Everett Municipal Court on Wednesdays and Fridays during the arraignment calendar. You can contact their office at 425-388-3500 if you wish to screen prior to your arraignment date. If you do not qualify for a court appointed attorney, you may choose to privately hire an attorney to represent you. By law, court staff cannot give legal advise or refer you to an attorney.
IRC only: Seismic category-D1. Frost depth-12 inches minimum for decks and porches.
IBC only-Seismic category-D, E, or F, subject to soil, location, risk category and building characteristics.
If you receive either a warning letter, or violation citation it will include: • The nature of the violation• The remedy which is required to correct the violation• Information to contact the appropriate city employee, to ask questions if needed • Any follow-up hearings, if required
You should:• Read the document thoroughly• Contact the city employee to ask questions, or to arrange for follow-up inspections• Complete the required corrections• Attend any hearings if required
If you have additional questions regarding the process, you may either contact the involved department directly by phone, or click on the link below to find out more about the violation Hearing Examiner process. You can also locate links for Planning, Fire, Code Enforcement on the Permits webpage. Violations Hearing Examiner
After clicking the link below, select the tab called 'Fees' to obtain specific information for permit types. Permits
Keep your copy of the permit in a safe place. You will also be issued an inspection card, which must be displayed at the job site where it will be signed by the inspector to indicate his/her approval of the various stages of the construction. The approved plans must be on the job site and available to the inspector at the time of the various inspections. Inspection Request Instructions
More information on the annexation process is outlined at the Municipal Research Services Center for Washington.
Please contact the Planning Department at 425-257-8731 to schedule a meeting to discuss the annexation process and to receive the Notice of Intent Form which initiates the annexation request. Municipal Research Services Center for Washington
If you have any questions regarding these regulations, please call the City of Everett Planning and Community Development Department at 425-257-8731.
If you are in compliance with the home occupation regulations, you may apply for a business license by contacting the City Clerk’s Office at 425-257-8610 or visiting their offices at 2930 Wetmore Avenue, Everett. EMC 19.41.080
You can find the zoning and/or overlay designation on your property by viewing the online zoning map online zoning map.
For example, your property may be located in the R-4 zone. To clarify or find out more about the zoning regulations that apply to your property, call the planner-on-duty at 425-257-8731, or visit the Permit Services Counter at: 3200 Cedar Street 2nd Floor Everett, WA 98201
Permit Services Counter hours are Monday through Friday 7:30 a.m. – 4 p.m., Closed for lunch from 12 p.m. – 1 p.m., and closed Saturday, Sunday and observed holidays.
If you have questions regarding the proposed development, contact the project planner listed in the notice. You may also search our online database.
Not all projects require notice. You may contact the City of Everett Public Services Department at 425-257-8810 to see if there is an application for a building permit for a specific property. Online Permit Search
Please see the Everett Register page for application information. Everett Register Page
Contact the Planning Department at 425-257-8731 to learn more about the feasibility of subdividing your property.
City of Everett Human Resources
Wall Street Building
2930 Wetmore Avenue
Everett, WA 98201
Fingerprinting is offered at the North Precinct, Monday through Friday from 8:00 am - 5:00 pm at the cost of $15 per card. Bring current, official photo identification. No appointment is necessary.
Complete the Public Records Request process to get a copy of an Everett Police report. The Washington State Patrol can provide collision reports.
Always call 911 for emergencies! Officers may not be available as they work varied schedules but residents can call SNOPAC911 at 425-407-3999 to request an officer call them. This phone line routes directly into the 911 call center.
The Parking Enforcement Unit enforces city parking ordinances. The unit is staffed Monday - Friday and supported after-hours by patrol officers.
Parking tickets are paid at the Everett Municipal Court
The Online Reporting System is designed for citizens to provide crime tips and saves time for victims of non-emergent crimes. Crime tips are routed to the appropriate unit for processing while Online Reports are reviewed by an officer who generates and returns a case number (typically within 72 hours).
Washington State Accident Reports are only required if no police report was taken at the scene AND the damage exceeds $1,000. Traffic accident reports can be completed & requested from the Washington State Patrol.
-Excellent physical condition -U.S. Citizenship -Attainment of the age twenty-one (21) years on or before the application deadline -Possession of, or the ability to obtain, a valid Washington State driver license within 30 days of hire and the ability to maintain it for the duration of employment -Not on the current eligible register for Police Officer Entry-Level (per Civil Service Rule 2.12) -Possession of a high school diploma or equivalent
The Department uses Community Crime Map by LexisNexis which is updated daily. Not all calls for service are entered into the database, only calls where a report is written.
No. All alley parking is prohibited as they provide access for emergency vehicles and service vehicles. However, they may be used while actively loading or unloading.
Based on a multitude of studies, scholars note that youth may be “pulled” and/or “pushed” into gang membership. Pulls are features that attract youth, such as the perception of increased reputation and social status, the desire to be with friends and/or family who are already gang-involved, the promise of money, drugs, and/or excitement, and cultural pride and identification with one’s neighborhood. In contrast, because of the high levels of neighborhood crime and violence, some youth perceive gangs as providing protection and/or are fearful of the consequences if they do not join.
It is important to note that the pushes and pulls of gang membership are not necessarily mutually exclusive, in that they may simultaneously impact a youth’s decision to join a gang. However, by and large, numerous studies have found that youth themselves are more likely to report being “pulled” into the gang. This is especially evident in widespread accounts of youth who report joining the gang based on the social desire to be around gang-involved friends and/or family. In comparison, youth less frequently report being coerced or actively recruited to join the gang. This finding is important to note, since the latter is commonly (though erroneously) believed to be the primary reason youth join gangs, with many states developing legislation to criminalize and punish active recruitment.
Finally, it is also important to point out that the process of joining a gang is a gradual one. Youth may begin at a “gang-marginal status” by hanging around other gang members or having older family members in the gang, leading some to join later and others to remain in a marginal status or to disassociate entirely. For those who join, some may become increasingly embedded within the gang life, while others remain at the periphery. That is, gang membership patterns are dynamic and multilayered and are not reliably reducible to a simple gang-versus-nongang perspective.
It is commonly repeated that once a person joins a gang, he or she can never get out (the so-called “blood-in, blood-out” assertion). However, for many youth membership in a gang is a fleeting occurrence, with a large proportion remaining in the gang for only a relatively short period of time (i.e., for a year or two). The processes by which youth leave gangs, often referred to as “desistance,” are similar to the “push” and “pull” processes by which youth join gangs, although the specific reasons are often very different. The reasons individuals report for leaving the gang include growing out of the gang life; disillusionment with the gang life; settling down, getting a stable job, and/or family needs; unanticipated aspects of the gang life; gang violence experienced by the individual or someone close to the individual; and a constant future risk of being a victim of gang violence. While the topic of gang desistance is relatively newer across the field of gang research, preliminary evidence indicates that youth are more likely to be “pushed” out of the gang life because of the very same factors that “pulled” them into the gang in the first place—fear of the consequences of violence and victimization.
How youth leave a gang is also instructive in understanding the gang process. Similar to the gang-joining process, desisting from gang membership is best described as gradual, taking place over an extended period of time. This is understandable, after all, since desisting from gangs involves disassociating and severing social ties with friends and/or family members who are gang-involved and may entail many attempts, both cognitively and behaviorally. Also, this process may be interrupted or entirely negated because of outside influences, such as the perception by rival gangs and/or law enforcement that the individual is still an active gang member. Importantly, although it is commonly repeated otherwise, the available evidence demonstrates that most individuals stated that they left the gang without the fear or experience of physical consequences from the gang.
In order to properly assess changes in the national gang problem over time, reliable indicators of the gang problem must be collected from a large and representative sample of law enforcement agencies across the United States. Between 1996 and 2012, the National Youth Gang Survey (NYGS) provided the only national data source for assessing long-term and annual changes in the gang problem across the following areas: (1) the emergence, presence, and stability patterns of gang problems within jurisdictions over time (prevalence measures); and (2) the relative size of the problem across such indicators as the number of gangs, the number of gang members, and the number of gang-related homicides and other crimes (magnitude measures).
In terms of the prevalence measures, the latest estimate from the NYGS finds that gangs are present in approximately 30 percent of the jurisdictions across the United States. This figure represents a sizeable drop from the mid-1990s, when 40 percent of jurisdictions reported a gang presence. Following a steady decline throughout the late 1990s, the gang prevalence measure reached its lowest point in 2001, steadily increased in subsequent years, and has remained relatively stable in recent years. The least amount of change occurred in the largest cities and suburban counties, where gang activity remains most prevalent, while the greatest amount of change has occurred in rural counties and smaller cities—especially the latter, where the gang prevalence rate fell nearly 10 percentage points from 2010 to 2012. Further, gang activity in smaller cities and rural counties is more likely to be transitory and unstable in nature, such that gang activity may emerge and dissipate in just a few years’ time. The frequency of this transitory pattern suggests that the emergence of gang activity does not necessarily indicate a protracted presence over time.
While prevalence measures provide a straightforward and simplified assessment of the gang problem, a better measure pertains to the size, or magnitude, of the gang problem in terms of the number of gangs and gang members, as well as the number of gang crimes (discussed separately below). From the latest NYGS estimate provided by law enforcement agencies, there are approximately 30,000 gangs and 850,000 gang members across the United States. Compared with the previous five-year average, the estimated number of gangs has increased 8 percent and the estimated number of gang members 11 percent. Accounting for the largest share of these increases are larger cities—more than 50 percent of the net increase in gangs and gang members over the past five years was due to overall increases in larger cities.
The decline in gang prevalence rates across smaller cities and rural counties, coupled with increases in the number of gangs and gang members in densely populated areas (especially larger cities), suggests that the gang problem is becoming more concentrated nationally in urban areas. While local reports to the contrary are not uncommon, it must be remembered that these results are based on a nationally representative sample of all law enforcement agencies across the United States, which is the only appropriate method to assess nationwide changes in gang activity.
As has been observed and written about extensively, the racial/ethnic composition of a community’s gang problem is largely a reflection of the racial/ethnic composition of the community itself, once socioeconomic factors are taken into account. Gangs tend to emerge in the most disadvantaged areas and thus naturally attract the disadvantaged youth residing in those areas. Therefore, a discussion of the racial/ethnic composition of gangs is largely a discussion of the socioeconomic variables of that area.
Reflecting the racial/ethnic divide along socioeconomic lines across the country, the largest percentage of gang members in the New York Gang Study belong to minorities, with around half reported as Hispanic/Latino and approximately one-third as African American/black. Around 10 to 15 percent of gang members are reported as white/Caucasian. A multisite study of school-aged youth finds comparable proportions. In contrast, a national survey of youth reports a much lower percentage of blacks (25 percent) and Hispanics (19 percent). Clearly, there is much variation across cities, counties, and states in the racial/ethnic composition of gangs, but ultimately, this descriptive characteristic of the gang problem is best regarded as a reflection of the social and economic inequalities that persist across the United States.
There is no agreed-upon gang typology. Numerous attempts at classifying the various types of gangs have been made. Two common features of these attempts are: (1) classifying gangs by the type of criminal activity they are involved in; and (2) classifying gangs based on their names and whether they are derived from national gang names or localized, neighborhood gang names. Both of these methods are subject to a critical flaw frequently observed regarding street gangs. In terms of the first type of classification, by and large, gangs as a group are involved in a variety of criminal activities. During active periods of membership, the offending rate of youth and young adults involved in gangs increases for a multitude and wide range of offenses. The phenomenon is referred to as “cafeteria-style offending,” serving as a reminder that reducing gang types to one offense or another is substantially misleading. The method of classifying gangs by their names is also inherently flawed, since many gangs with national-sounding names have little if any connection to the larger, long-standing gangs from which their names are derived. In many instances, the connection between local and national gangs based on the similarity in names is merely assumed rather than conclusively demonstrated and documented. Local gang members state that they typically adopt larger gang names to project a more widespread and powerful presence in their area. Gangs frequently adopt a mixture of cultural signs and symbols based on their appeal to local gang members, resulting in what has been referred to as a “hybrid gang” culture.
The types of gangs that often receive the most attention from media are characterized as gangs with nationally recognized names, portrayed as highly organized, extremely violent, and focused on one criminal operation, such as drug trafficking. The public is often left with the impression that all gangs, and their gang members, are excessively violent and out of control. These characterizations do more than enough to promote fear and little to help develop successful responses to the gang problem in any given community. In reality, there are a variety of gangs across the United States. Understanding how gangs and their members are both different and similar is essential in developing and implementing appropriate prevention and intervention programs, as well as targeted control strategies.
Due to inherent limitations in law enforcement data and ethnographic studies, determining the proportion of adolescents and young adults who join street gangs is best accomplished through self-report studies of a specified target population. Based on a national study properly weighted to be representative of all youth, recent research finds that approximately 8 percent of all youth have joined a gang by their twenties. This estimate is also highly dynamic. In a multisite study in cities with known and significant gang problems, the percentage of youth who joined a gang peaked in the early teens and declined precipitously thereafter. These estimates, of course, vary across localities and are highly contingent on the type of gang problem observed in a given community. Studies conducted in some urban cities with long-standing gang problems have found that 15 percent or more of youth joined a gang at some point during their adolescent and youth-adult years.
A common misconception surrounding gangs is that once a person joins, he or she stays in the gang for an extended period of years. By following subjects over time, longitudinal research studies provide the only reliable method to determine the duration in which a person remains in a gang. Based on multiple studies, in multiple cities, across multiple research projects, it is repeatedly found that most youth who join a gang do not remain in it for an extended period of time. For the majority of youth who join a gang, the average amount of time they remain active in the gang is one to two years, and fewer than 1 in 10 gang members report involvement for four or more years. However, the more embedded a person is in a gang—e.g., the more his or her self-identity is derived from the gang—the longer that person will remain in the gang, which negatively impacts efforts at severing gang ties.
In sum, joining a gang is not a rare event, relatively speaking. However, a corollary finding also emerges from these systematic studies: Even in the most gang-ridden areas across the United States, most youth do not join a gang. Comparatively, law enforcement agencies report older, more adult-aged gang members in the New York Gang Study (in 2011, approximately two-thirds were 18 and over), reflecting the tendency of agencies to focus primarily on the more embedded (hard-core) members of gangs. This is especially the case in urban areas with long-standing gang problems, where adult-aged members make up a clear majority; in newer gang-problem areas outside the larger cities, this proportion is noticeably smaller.
A common assertion regarding all gangs is their involvement in drug trafficking, distribution, and/or sales. However, while the overlap of gangs and drugs is well-documented, the proportion of gangs that are centered around drug distribution and that effectively control the operations thereof is relatively small. To be sure, gang members are significantly more likely to be involved in drug sales, but numerous research projects have revealed that these members rarely reinvest drug-sale profits into the gang as a whole; rather, they typically keep the profits for themselves. This finding, replicated over time and place, suggests a more nuanced description of the gang-drug connection, such that gangs provide an entrance into drug sales, primarily in street-level distribution, which when viewed superficially perpetuates the assertion that gangs control the distribution of drugs.
A related topic is the gang-drug-violence connection. Incidents involving gangs and drugs, resulting in the use of violence, attract greater coverage by the media, thus reinforcing this connection to the public. Gang violence, however, entails both expressive crimes and instrumental crimes. Expressive crimes pertain to incidents arising from ongoing conflicts and rivalries between gangs (e.g., disrespect, symbolic dominance), while instrumental crimes pertain to incidents surrounding economic functions (e.g., drug sales). While it is difficult to determine with precision the proportion of gang violence related to each, it has been demonstrated convincingly that instrumental-type incidents are much rarer than widely believed. In multiple studies over the past 25 years, a repeated finding is the lack of a drug component surrounding gang-related homicides. That is, in a large majority of these cases, the motives for the events pertained to the expressive and not the instrumental nature of gang violence. Thus, similar to drug sales, while the connection between gangs and violence is well-known, it is important to remain aware of the form this violence typically takes and not overgeneralize based on a few incidents, which can jeopardize the development of effective responses to local gang activity.
Risk factors are variables increase the likelihood of the outcome in question—in this case, gang membership. Gang research scholars have discovered a multitude of risk factors that are statistically linked to gang joining. These individual risk factors span the many dimensions in a youth’s life and are typically grouped into five categories (called “domains”): individual, family, school, peer, and neighborhood/community. Importantly, however, these extensive research studies have demonstrated that there is no one risk factor (or even domain) responsible for gang joining; rather, it is the accumulation of multiple risk factors across multiple domains that greatly increases gang joining. Thus, put another way, gang joining is not reducible to a single risk factor (e.g., single-parent household), since some youth with the risk factor may not join a gang, and some youth without the risk factor may join. It is far more profitable, then, to assess (and ultimately address) the collection of risk factors across the five social domains to prevent gang joining.
Gangs and gang violence have become increasingly complex, lethal, and resistant to prevention and control over the years. Overreliance on one strategy is unlikely to produce fundamental changes in the scope and severity of a community’s gang problem. Instead, communities should adopt a comprehensive, multifaceted, collaborative approach that involves prevention strategies for youth at risk of gang joining, intervention strategies for youth and young adults who are gang-involved, and suppression strategies in areas where gang violence threatens the public safety of a community.
A community’s responses to its gang problem must be based on a solid theoretical understanding of gangs—their social patterns and individual member behaviors—as well as programs and practices supported by systematic research and successful experience in the field. Once a community acknowledges that a youth street gang problem exists, a thorough assessment is needed to identify specific components of the problems, analyze the causes, and identify the resources currently available, as well as the resources needed. Such an assessment can reliably measure the scope and depth of the youth and street gang problem in a given community.
Community stakeholder participation should ideally include active engagement from law enforcement agencies, schools, grassroots organizations, youth agencies, government agencies, and civic organizations. Using the assessment as a foundation, key stakeholders can develop a plan to respond to their gang problem that is tailored to the unique needs and resources of that community. Ideally, a community should develop a continuum of developmentally appropriate programs and strategies to target gang-involved individuals at all ages and risk levels. A community should implement strategies that have been demonstrated to work.
There is no quick, easy fix when responding to street and youth gang problems in a community. Both emerging and entrenched gang problems are the consequence of years of compounding, complex factors. A comprehensive, systematic approach to address these complexities will take focused determination and hard work.
Youth often report joining a gang for protection. However, as numerous research studies have shown, the risk and rate of victimization, especially violent victimization, increases substantially while youth are in a gang. This finding is notably similar to that of the increase in the criminal offending rate during periods of active gang membership. Thus, there is a seemingly paradoxical relationship between the expectation that joining a gang will provide protection from violence and the fact that actual rate (and risk) of victimization while in a gang increases. Research specifically examining this issue points to a compelling explanation: Given the “choice” between seemingly random acts of street violence when not in a gang versus the more structured and less random acts within the gang culture (including the sense of group protection that being part of a gang engenders), individuals are more likely to choose to belong to a gang. That is, the source of the risk of violence is qualitatively different (e.g., from a rival gang) while in a gang, which individuals cognitively perceive as being more predictable and manageable, and thus preferable. This explanation is important to consider when developing effective interventions with current gang members, since increased levels of neighborhood street violence may counteract incentives for individuals to leave the gang.
Following individuals over time (i.e., longitudinally) has also afforded researchers the opportunity to examine the long-term consequences of gang membership. The effects of gang membership, especially for members who remained in the gang for longer periods and/or were deeply embedded in the gang life, have been shown to negatively impact individuals well after leaving the gang. Some of the negative outcomes linked to prolonged gang membership include dropping out of school, early parenthood, and lack of or unstable employment. These long-term consequences are supplemental to the increased risk of being arrested, having a criminal record, and incarceration—which stems from the increased involvement in criminal offending while in a gang—which further reduces the probability of a successful transition from adolescence to adulthood. Further, in a recent study specifically examining this issue, researchers found that adolescent gang membership was linked to other public health issues, such as alcohol and drug abuse and/or dependence, poor general health, and poor mental health during adulthood. Thus, gang membership, especially long-term membership and/or increased embeddedness in the gang, exacts a toll that extends far beyond periods of active membership.
Contact the nearest Washington State Patrol Office and/or complete an online report.
Parking tickets are paid at the Everett Municipal Court:
3028 Wetmore Avenue
You may not park in any one area continuously over 72-hours.
There are several ways: Contact the Office of Neighborhoods, use the Online Reporting System, email the Crime Prevention Unit, or call the non-emergency 911 number at 425-407-3999 so an officer can respond.
Citizen volunteers provide a valuable service by checking the homes of residents who are out of town. Volunteers inspect enrolled residences several times a week to make sure all entrances are secure. If something unusual or suspicious is found, patrol officers are called to investigate. Get more information on the Vacation Crime Watch program
Rubatino Refuse Removal serves the following Everett zip codes:
• 98201 • 98203 • 98204
Waste Management Northwest serves the following areas in Everett:
• South of 112th Street SE • Eastmont • Silver Lake including the 75th Street Overpass
• Phone 425-259-0044 • Website Rubatino Refuse Removal
• Phone 1-800-592-9995 • Website Waste Management Northwest
Contact your service provider directly and inform them you have a missed pick-up.
Residential customers must use the service provider assigned to the area where they live. Commercial businesses may contract with the service provider of their choice.
Contact your service provider directly and attempt to address your concerns. If you are unable to resolve the issue, contact the Washington Utilities and Transportation Commission (UTC). The Washington UTC regulates the rates and services of utility companies and can be reached at 1-888-333-9882 or firstname.lastname@example.org. You may also use the online complaint form.
No, the City of Everett does not have a contract with Rubatino Refuse Removal. Rubatino has a franchise or right to be the waste hauler in a specific area.
Contact your service provider. Recycling is included with garbage service and compost collection is a nominal charge.
Everett uses a dual stream recycling system, separating paper from commingled containers. Choose one color bin for mixed paper and cardboard, and use the other for bottles and cans. The bin color you use for each doesn't matter.
Yes, you can choose to haul your garbage and recycling to a Transfer Station. For locations, hours, and accepted items, visit the Snohomish County Solid Waste Management website.
Bulky items can be picked up curbside by your service provider for an additional charge. Call your hauler a week in advance to receive a cost estimate. Only set your items out for pickup on the agreed upon date.
Many items that are not collected curbside are accepted at Transfer Stations operated by Snohomish County Solid Waste Management. For locations, hours, and accepted items, visit the Snohomish County Solid Waste Management website.
Household hazardous waste can be disposed of at the drop-off station located at 3434 McDougall Ave, Everett. For information, visit the Snohomish County Solid Waste Management website.
Since 1992 we’ve averaged 23.3 breaks or repairs per year. In 2015 we had 23 breaks; in 2016 we also ended with 23.
Depending on the type of break, it may be repaired or a section of pipe may be replaced completely. Once the break is repaired or replaced, crews will backfill the excavated site, pouring fill material from a dump truck and evenly distributing and compacting it on the work area. We will watch the repair site for a couple of days, and, then Streets crews will restore sidewalks and road surfaces to original condition. Cleanup of debris on yards and roadways is usually the same day as the break, provided we do not have freezing conditions.
The water in the pipe gets flushed through and is then disinfected for delivery. We do have a distinct process for bringing a main back in service to meet our water quality and purity standards. We flush and also provide contact time with a chlorine disinfectant. We will not reopen customer services until our water has no turbidity and meets the appropriate water quality standards.
When you become a member of the Senior Center, we will issue a parking decal to display on your vehicle. This allows you to park on Lombard Ave. during the hours of 9:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. Monday through Friday, when parking is restricted to those displaying the Senior Center decal.
During the hours when the Senior Center is closed, parking in our garage for events at the Xfinity Arena is paid parking only ($5).
To participate in the lunch program, a registration card must be completed. Seniors age 60 and over and spouses (of any age), or anyone living at home with you who is younger and disabled, can enjoy the meal for just $2.50 suggested donation. Other family and friends who join you can eat for a nominal fee of $6 (paid to Senior Center staff). Donations are confidential and may be made with cash, check, or Basic Food Program voucher (food stamps).
This model has been adopted by hundreds of communities across the United States as the most effective approach to reducing chronic homelessness.
CHART (CHronic-Utilizer Alternative Response Team) is a team of criminal justice, emergency response, and research partners who collaborate in an effort to reduce the impact of chronic utilizers on those systems. By taking a systemic approach, our goal is to create an individualized plan that will have a positive and measurable impact on the use of those resources without simply shifting costs from one partner organization to another. The primary goal of CHART is to decrease the system impacts associated with the disproportionate overlapping service utilization by these individuals; however, we anticipate that our efforts will also positively impact the lives of those identified for participation in CHART. Learn more
By addressing the needs of frequent utilizers, criminal justice and emergency response resources are better able to respond to short-term health and safety issues and dangerous crime within our City.
We would use the tool to evaluate individuals as they enter the criminal justice system: at arrest or booking, at arraignment on charges, or during a review of potential charges to determine whether an individual should be charged or diverted.
Andrew recently asked Lauren to accompany him on a tour of a sober living house, to get her input on whether or not she thought it would be a positive environment for him. Lauren also arranged for Andrew to get a chemical dependency (CD) assessment, and escorted him to the facility for the assessment. He started intensive outpatient treatment soon after his CD assessment. Andrew is doing great, and Lauren plans to continue to support him. (November 2015)
During the 4-month FareStart program, Angela will be housed and receive culinary training. She has also received a 12-step meeting list for the downtown Seattle area, which will allow her to start planning her support schedule. Both Andrew and Angela are supportive of each other in recovery, and both acknowledge that they each need to work on themselves before they can join again in sobriety. Lauren is looking forward to the next step of Angela’s progress when she is released and can begin her journey through FareStart and beyond. (November 2015)
Link to form
Please fill out the form link below, and e-mail it to OversizeLoadPermit@everettwa.gov
Important: If your services are in the process of being shut off you cannot use this service as a method of preventing it, payment needs to be made in person or via phone. Please pay at the Utility Billing office located at 3101 Cedar Street, Everett, WA 98201, or over the phone at 425-257-8999 Monday through Friday between the hours of 8 a.m. and 5 p.m.
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Important: If your services are in the process of being shut off you cannot use this service as a method of preventing it, payment needs to be made in person or via phone. Please pay at the Utility Billing office located at 3101 Cedar Street, Everett, WA 98201 or over the phone at 425-257-8999 Monday through Friday between the hours of 8 a.m. and 5 p.m.
Therefore, we recommend that you instruct the Services to initiate each payment to us at least 4 business days before the actual due date. Business days are Monday through Friday, except for federal banking holidays. If you use the Services to send us your payment instructions after 9 p.m. (PST) on a business day, then the Services will treat your instructions as if it was received on the following business day. It is the day we receive payment from you, and not the day we receive your instructions, that determines whether your payment was timely received.
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The results from monitoring conducted by the City of Everett for hexavalent chromium Everett water averaged 0.25 parts per billion (ppb). In California, one of the few places chromium-6 is regulated (it’s not regulated in Washington state), the regulatory level is 10 ppb—40 times the amount detected in Everett’s water.